Westminster Politics: Democratic Practice and Social Constraints - The Jamaican Experience

AuthorPeter Phillips
Pages76-85
5 Westminster Politics: Democratic
Practice and Social Constraints – The
Jamaican Experience
Peter Phillips
It is generally recognized that among what used to be known as
the ‘new states’ in the 1950s and ’60s, the so-called Commonwealth
Caribbean states that achieved independence in the 1960s and ’70s
have sustained their democratic traditions. Unlike some other states
that were formerly part of the British Empire that assumed independent
status in the 1950s and ’60s, the Commonwealth Caribbean states have,
with one exception, sustained constitutional rule, held regular elections
and changed administrations by way of the ballot. They have also for
the most part maintained independent judiciaries, and an independent
civil service, and preserved the basic rights of the individual.
Specifically, in relation to Jamaica, there have been 16 general elections
held since the introduction of Universal Adult Suffrage in 1944,
resulting in seven changes of government.1 Universal Adult Suffrage
preceded the assumption of independent statehood. Nevertheless, with
independence, the basic political and administrative underpinnings
of the Westminster–Whitehall model of liberal democracy was
maintained. Since the assumption of independent statehood in 1962,
the country has maintained a cadre of impartial, politically neutral civil
servants, including an independent judiciary and has maintained the
essential individual rights of freedom of association, and assembly and
free speech, etc., which are at the core of modern liberal democratic
political practice.
Compared with other postcolonial Commonwealth jurisdictions the
durability of the ‘Westminster model’ in the Caribbean is notable. This
is unlike much of Africa, such as Ghana and Nigeria in West Africa,
or Kenya or Tanzania in the East, where the Westminster inheritance
quickly yielded to military government or one-party rule. In hindsight,
perhaps this should not seem so surprising.
Africa, with its checkerboard of competing ethnic loyalties and
surviving ‘traditional’ political institutions and ideologies provided a
vastly different social and institutional backdrop to postcolonial politics

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