Are Commonwealth Caribbean Parliaments Now the Least Dangerous Branch of Government?

AuthorDerek O'Brien
Pages44-58
3 Are Commonwealth Caribbean
Parliaments Now the Least
Dangerous Branch of Government?
Derek O’Brien
Introduction
Criticisms of the performance of Commonwealth Caribbean
parliaments are legion.1 Most of these criticisms focus on the relationship
between the legislature and the executive and the dominance of the
former by the latter. This is attributable to a number of factors. Firstly,
the first-past-the-post electoral system, which is the electoral system
of choice across the region, with the exception of Guyana, has tended
to produce disproportionately large majorities for the winning party.
The post-independence era has thus witnessed a number of occasions
when the opposition parties in general elections have been effectively
annihilated in terms of seats in parliament, leaving the winning party
to govern virtually unopposed.2 Secondly, the comparatively small size
of the region’s parliaments and the absence of a cap on the number
of ministers who can be appointed by the prime minister mean
that Commonwealth Caribbean parliaments are dominated to an
extraordinary degree by members of the government.3 In turn, these
ministers are bound by the doctrine of collective responsibility, which
requires them to toe the government line in parliament. This has
made it virtually impossible for any government to be dismissed on
a vote of no confidence. Thirdly, while the inclusion of a nominated
element – either within a single legislature or in the Upper House in
those countries with bicameral legislatures – was intended to serve as
something of a bulwark against executive dominance, the fact that in
a number of countries the majority of senators are appointed and can
be removed on the recommendation of the prime minister has more
or less completely undermined this objective.4 Finally, their small size
has meant that the region’s parliaments have been unable to resource
the kind of network of departmentally related committees which, in
other countries, play such a crucial role in scrutinizing the executive.5
Though it is relevant to the discussion that follows, this chapter does
not dwell on executive dominance of Caribbean parliaments, but rather

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