Good Governance or Penance: Enhancing Westminster in the Caribbean

AuthorCynthia Barrow-Giles
Pages18-43
2 Good Governance or Penance:
Enhancing Westminster in the
Caribbean
Cynthia Barrow-Giles
Introduction
In modern societies, democracy is achieved not by the direct rule of
the people but through a representative system in which it is anticipated
that the people will have the final say. It is expected that the system will
be defined by the popular control over the political processes as well
as political equality in the exercise of that control. In representative
democracies like Westminster parliamentary systems, representatives
acting on behalf of the citizenry take decisions on behalf of the society.
In effect, democracy is achieved via the control of the citizens over their
representatives. So that the extent to which that control is achieved
and the equality of the control exercised by citizens are both crucial
elements of representative democracy. For the most part, electoral
systems are critical determinants of the exercise of such control and
the exercise of power. The second component of democracy is the
accountability of governmental institutions and public officials to the
electorate both directly and indirectly through Parliament and other
oversight mechanisms, such as the judiciary.
Within that context of what democracy ought to embody, I shall not
endeavour to deal with all the myriad problems confronting Westminster
in the Caribbean and their implication for the fulfilment of democracy.
Rather, I narrowly focus on what is seen as three institutional practices
that can minimize participation and control of critical decision-
making, limit the overall quality of representation and frustrate
consensual decision-making and lead to abuse of incumbency. Firstly,
the chapter focuses on the overall performance of the electoral system
in the region, arguing that in its present form the model certainly does
little to enhance representation and thus good governance. Secondly,
the chapter looks at parliamentarism and its intrinsic value or lack
thereof to the region given its tendency to restrain parliamentarians
in a context where perhaps greater cooperation is required. Finally, I
consider the value of a fixed term of office in a context where variability
Good Governance or Penance 19
and flexibility have been emphasized. Much of the discussions centres on
the reports of Constitution Reform Commissions which have considered
how governance can be improved regionally.
Framing Reform for the Commonwealth Caribbean
Nearly two decades ago in a relatively little known journal produced
by the University of Guyana, Harold A. Lutchman published an article
entitled ‘The Westminster System in the Commonwealth Caribbean:
Some Issues and Problems’. The many issues which he reflected upon
in 1995 continue to characterize the region and have proven to be so
culturally acceptable that some 20 years later, in 2014, we have been
unable or unwilling to transcend them. While Lutchman conceded that the
states of the Commonwealth Caribbean have enjoyed apparent efficiency
and are generally numbered among the most successful in achieving
satisfactory results, nonetheless, according to him the framers of the
Constitutions had clearly not anticipated a number of problems which had
manifested themselves shortly after independence.1 Notwithstanding these
unanticipated difficulties of Westminster in the Caribbean, the model has
enjoyed widespread support which has allowed several Commonwealth
Caribbean States to survive sudden and sometimes dramatic changes.2
Lutchman, however, concluded that ‘…elements of the Westminster
system have come under critical scrutiny regarding their suitability…’
for the region.3 Echoing these sentiments, Anthony Maingot also asserts
that while Westminster is certainly valued, its validity for the region can
be questioned.4 Nearly ten years later, in 2003, Prime Minister of St
Vincent and the Grenadines, Ralph Gonsalves, pointed to the travails of
Westminster parliamentary democracy in the Caribbean and reminded
us of its many limitations.5 These included, an externally located Head of
State; an insufficiently strong enforcement of the protective provisions
regarding individuals’ rights and freedoms; a first-past-the post electoral
system, which according to him does not permit a sufficiently fair and
democratic representation of voters’ preferences; the absence of any or
proper mechanisms for voters to bring their elected representatives to
account during their term in office; the highly inadequate and ineffective
control that the legislature exercises over the executive; the excessive
powers of the prime minister in both the constitutional and political
apparatuses; the lack of an appropriate mechanism for voters and non-
governmental organizations to routinely and consistently participate in the

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