First Generation Institutional Change

AuthorTerri-Ann Gilbert-Roberts
ProfessionResearch Fellow of the Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of Social and Economic Studies (SALISES) University of the West Indies Mona
Pages119-145
6
First Generation
Institutional Change
In spite of the initial adjustments in institutional capacity for
participatory governance in the preceding period, CARICOM’s core
weakness – its limited capacity for implementation of the CARICOM
       
between 1997 and 2002, CARICOM underwent a period of fundamental
institutional change marked by experimentation with new institutional
         
         
making and administrative framework which emerged from a revised
Treaty of Chaguaramas. Secondly, it discusses, against the background
of intergovernmental and academic discourses on governance, the
evolution of three models of executive governance – the Head of
Government model used in the creation of the Bureau and Quasi-
Cabinet; the Project model used in the creation of the Caribbean
Regional Negotiating Machinery (CRNM); and the Supranational model
used in creation of the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ). The chapter
concludes with a discussion of further alternatives proposed by Heads
and by an institutional review completed in 2002, and offers an analysis
of the lessons emerging from the institution-building exercise.
Revising the Treaty of Chaguaramas
The decision to implement the CSME called for the revision of the
  
space and new institutional arrangements for its regulation. The
Intergovernmental Task Force, which had been established in 1992,
drafted a series of nine legal protocols outlining the elements of the
CSME which were later incorporated into a Revised Treaty.1 The most
important of these protocols, in respect of this account of regional
governance, was the Protocol Amending the Treaty Establishing the
Caribbean Community (referred to as Protocol I) which outlined new
institutional arrangements for CARICOM. It was approved in January
The Politics of Integration
120
1997 by the Standing Committee of Ministers responsible for Legal Affairs
           2 The
following month the CHOG signed Protocol I and the Charter during the
eighth Intersessional Meeting, as a sign of its commitment to ‘structures
of unity and governance’ (different interpretations of the WIC vision) which

arrangements of CARICOM.3      
structural changes contained in the Protocol and, secondly, the new
consultative arrangements outlined in the Protocol and the Charter.
Protocol I fundamentally altered CARICOM’s decision-making processes
and administrative arrangements.4 While the 1973 organisation had been
explicitly bifurcated, under the new dispensation, the single market and
economy was integrated within CARICOM as a development instrument
of the Community. Thus, the new arrangement referred to the Caribbean
Community including the Caribbean Single Market and Economy (CSME)
(Article I of Protocol).5 Duke Pollard, a member of the Task Force, who
had been involved in the drafting of the original 1973 treaty, has drawn
a metaphoric allusion to the difference between a woman and child –
referring to the 1973 Community and the Common Market; and a woman
with child – referring to the Community from 1997 onwards.6 The most


Federation. That process of integration pointed to further implications for
the participation of special members in the decision-making process and
for the overall voting procedures.
The amalgamation of the political and economic aspects of integration
implied the need for a special legislative arrangement to accommodate
parties not intending to join the CSME. The Bahamas had signed Protocol
I in 1997, but maintained its reservation about participation in the CSME
         
of its participation in fora in which matters pertaining to the CSME
were discussed. In practice, under the 1973 treaty, The Bahamas had
participated in meetings of the Community without entering a vote or
statement on matters related to the Common Market. It contributed to
the CARICOM budget and maintained macroeconomic policies which were
    
was viewed by other member states as a valuable partner and therefore
retained its status as a full member of the Community.7 However, The
Bahamas did not sign the Revised Treaty in 2001 once all nine protocols

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