Analysing Regional Governance as an Institutional Imperative

AuthorTerri-Ann Gilbert-Roberts
ProfessionResearch Fellow of the Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of Social and Economic Studies (SALISES) University of the West Indies Mona
Pages19-37
2
Analysing Regional Governance
as an Institutional Imperative
Our introduction to the relationship between sovereignty and
regionalism concluded that the classical institutional debate per se
between neofunctional supranationalism and intergovernmentalism
does not provide a comprehensive overview of the internal dynamics
of regional institution-building. The dichotomy presented by those two

by which states can increase their sovereignty while simultaneously
ceding it. There is need, therefore, for greater clarity in the analysis of
sovereignty in regional governance. In that regard, this chapter outlines
an approach to analysing the institutionalisation of regional governance,
using a multi-tiered framework for ‘regional governance analysis’ which
facilitates the investigation of the emergence, evolution and functioning
of regional governance institutions. Firstly, the chapter demonstrates
the value of sovereignty bargains analysis to the advancement of an


and other factors of political context on the form and functions of regional
institutions. Finally, it concludes by consolidating the elements of an

review of the politics of integration in the Caribbean Community
(CARICOM).
Sovereignty Bargains

to promoting a deeper understanding of the paradox of sovereignty.
While the traditional debate between neofunctional supranationalists
and intergovernmentalists assumed that states either seek to retain
full sovereignty or else surrender or pool it, scholars have argued
more recently that, in effect, states undertake a range of ‘sovereignty
bargains’ which result in an array of potential institutional outcomes.1
The Politics of Integration
20
These bargaining arrangements do not involve the ceding of sovereignty


attributes of state autonomy, authority, legitimacy and control are traded

In forming such communities, states limit one or more attributes of

The concept of sovereignty bargains was introduced to International
Relations within the literature on the regulation of transnational ecological
problems. Scholars of ecological politics were engaged, during the 1980s

by international agreements so as to enable geographically-bound states
to manage transnational resources and resolve transnational problems.

Djuva Nincic’s work on sovereignty in the UN.2 Nincic had recognised in
1970 that membership in the UN implied state acceptance of what we
have termed the paradox of sovereignty. Nincic argued at that time that,
participation in an international organisation was likely to increase the
‘effectiveness’ of sovereignty despite the fact that membership would curtail
some aspects of sovereignty.3 The synergy between this idea and William
Demas’s juxtaposition of formal and effective sovereignty will not have
escaped the reader’s attention. Byers referred to the paradoxical process

cede control of some level of control of eco-regions and peoples within its
territory in order to increase the overall effectiveness of state sovereignty.
He argued that, based on those bargains, states voluntarily limited their
autonomy in policymaking by developing international agreements on the
protection of eco-regions within their territory or eco-regions shared with

in those eco-regions by allowing international agencies or indigenous
groups to monitor preservation activities.4 An interesting contribution

effectiveness was potentially two dimensional – measurable by better
external relations with other states and or better internal relationships
with the people within the territory over which the state had authority.

eco-politics scholar most associated with sovereignty bargains – makes a

and control attributes highlighted by Byers, with the concept of legitimacy

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