Trinidad & Tobago and the United States of America (USA): The Economic Nexus, with some reference to the Post September 11th 2001 Events

AuthorBhoendradatt Tewari/Roger Hosein
Pages181-216
Chapter 7
Trinidad & Tobago and the United States
of America (USA): The Economic Nexus,
with some reference to the Post
September 11th 2001 Events1
This chapter examines the question of what might change, following the
September 11, 2001 attack of the World Trade Centre, in terms of the
relationship between Trinidad and Tobago and the United States of
America, given the fact that the USA is the main trading partner of
Trinidad and Tobago. The article anticipates continuing positive relations
between the two countries for a number of reasons which are identified
and outlined and suggests ways and means in which Trinidad and
Tobago might optimise the favourable prospects for trade and
investment.
This chapter was first published in R. Ramsaran, The Caribbean in the
International Arena: The Implications of Global Instability and Conflict,
Lexicon Trinidad Limited (2003), pp. 349–383.
1 The authors would like to acknowledge the research assistance of Cheung-Yun Pu and
Mahindra Maharaj.
Trade, Investment & Development
182
7.1 INTRODUCTION
Even before the tragic events of September 11th 2001, the USA was
already in a state of economic decline. In many of the other industrial
nations, the process of economic growth had also slowed given their
linkages with the American economy and also because during the
previous eight years the US economy was the primary source of growth
in the global economy. Developing countries were also inevitably drawn
into the turmoil as their export revenues began to fall and foreign
investors assumed a more cautious role.
Prior to September 11th, the World Bank (WB) had forecasted that
growth in the developing world would fall from 5.5% in 2000 to 2.9% in
2001. This decline, however, was widely conceived as being temporary
since by 2002 growth in the developing world was expected to recover to
4.3%. As a result of the events of September 11th, however, the recovery
of developed countries would be delayed. In particular, before September
11th the WB had estimated that the US and other OECD countries would
grow by 1.1% in 2001 and recover to 2.2% in 2002. With the events of
September 11th, however, it was estimated that the growth rate of
countries in the OECD block would be as much as 0.75 to 1.25
percentage points lower in 2002 (WB 2001). It is important to note,
though, that the WB made this forecast on the presumption that the
events of September 11th were Schumpeterian (one-off discontinuous
shock) and on the expectation that by the middle of 2002 business in the
developed world would return to normal. It also assumed that monetary
policy in the form of lower interest rates would stimulate higher
consumption expenditures as the opportunity cost of consumption fell.
These assumptions will be strongly tested in the coming years.
In the aftermath of the events of September 11th, the negative impact on
the global economy has become even clearer. The quick response of
industrialized nations via their monetary authorities created only
minimum level assurances for international financial markets to
recommence their day-to-day business. As investors seek to put their
money in safer havens, the already weak flow of capital to developing
countries will dry up even further as flows concentrate in those countries,
which are thought to be relatively immune to the crisis. The trend toward
increased private capital flows to developing countries established in the
1990s is expected to be reversed in the short run. In this regard, greater
multilateral lending may become necessary (WB 2001).
The events of September 11th have also dealt a serious blow to the
process of globalization. The process of globalization itself is founded
T&T and the USA 183
upon the basic idea that the world economy is safe. By extension, Joseph
Stiglitz, a distinguished economist noted:
“The borderless world through which goods and services flow is also a
borderless world through which other things can flow that are less
positive” (Business Week, September 24th 2001).2
The fact that globalization has a darker side (drugs, organized crime etc.)
has consistently been acknowledged but there has always been an
assumption that not-with-standing the costs, this darker side of
globalization could be managed. However, September 11th has forced a
reassessment of these assumptions. The war on terrorism being pursued
by the USA can restrict the main supply lines of the global economy
working through higher insurance premiums, greater delays at borders
and higher transport costs. These form the elements of a ‘security tax’,
which in turn would inflate the cost of doing global business, and slow
the integration of the world economy.
In the context of the forecasted decline in the real GDP of the OECD
economies, developing countries’ export revenues are expected to
decline as international demand falls.3 World trade is expected to have
increased only 1.7% in 2001 as compared to 13.3% in 2000, with export
growth in particular expected to fall from 19% in 2000 to 3% in 2001. As
a consequence, the growth of developing countries may be lowered to
between 0.5–0.75 percentage points in 2002. The events of September
11th have also triggered a tighter international liquidity position along
with an overall increase in risk aversion (WB 2001). Foreign direct
investment flows have also fallen from more than US$1.3 trillion in 2000
to less than half that amount in 2001. It may be argued that the collapse
in the flows of FDI in 2001 was mainly because of a fall-off in the
amount of mergers and acquisitions that took place in rich countries
(Economist, 2002),4 but it is difficult to deny the impact of the attack on
the World Trade Centre in New York.
The events of September 11th 2001 have underscored the need for more
equitable global growth. As noted by Porter (2002), failed states and
2 The stark horror of September 11th 2001 as reflected in the destruction of the World
Trade Center exposed in no uncertain way the ease with which enemies of the USA (and
by extension the capitalist world) could move around the world (Economist, February 2nd,
2002).
3 Lewis (1980) noted “for the past 100 years the rate of growth of output in the
developing world has depended on the rate of growth of output in the developed world.
When the developed grow fast, the developing grow fast, and when the developed slow
down, the developing slow down” (p. 555).
4 February 2nd edition, 2001.

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