Politics mash up the community': Politics, Violence and Peace at the Community Level

AuthorAmanda Sives
ProfessionLecturer in Politics at the University of Liverpool
Pages143-170
‘POLITICS MASH UP THE COMMUNITY 143 143
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‘Politics Mash up the
Community’:
Politics, Violence and Peace at
the Community Level
CHAPTER
six
Introduction
In this final chapter I examine the specific dynamics and impact of partisan
political violence at the community level. The discussion compliments the wider
narrative in focusing on the ways in which residents from an inner city
community explain violence and its relationship to politics based on their own
perspectives. The original fieldwork was undertaken during the summers of
1995 and 1996. Over this period residents and development workers were
interviewed about their experiences and views of living and working in the two
communities. The choice of area was dictated by access and the level of violence
occurring during the fieldwork. The time I spent in the area was short, many
people did not wish to talk to me and I was cautious about the questions I
asked. In that sense, the narrative is partial. However, it adds to the wider
perspectives presented in the previous chapters by locating the discussion at the
grassroots, among those who live with violence and its impacts.
While many of the people who were interviewed have passed away or migrated
since completion of the research and the writing up of results, I remain cautious
in publishing this information. As one of the people who had worked in the
communities for many years explained, people do not like to talk because ‘they
have been so accustomed to people coming in asking them information, re-
interpreting it and then not only that, but quoting people’s names because they
don’t understand the risk.’1 The names of the informants have been changed in
this chapter, although the names of the communities remain unaltered. It would
be difficult to disguise them because a number of key incidents occurred during
the 1970s and discussion of them and their impact immediately reveals the
identity of the areas.
Before introducing the communities, I want to make a few points about my
own role as the researcher in the process. The desire to capture the voices of
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144 ELECTIONS, VIOLENCE AND THE DEMOCRATIC PROCESS IN JAMAICA
those involved in, or affected by, violence was a goal of the original doctoral
research. At the time, these voices were missing from the discussions about
partisan political violence and from my perspective, understanding the complexity
of violence could only be enhanced by recording the views of those who were
intimately involved in it, whether as practitioners or observers. This does not
mean the following chapter is complete. It is based on recollections of a traumatic
period in the life of the community. It is primarily based on interviews with key
actors rather than a representative sample of residents. However, it provides
richness to the analysis and reminds us that violence is not an abstract process
but one that, for some people, strikes intimately at the heart of everyday life
transactions. The need to position myself within this narrative is necessary
simply for the fact that I am a white, foreign woman, and therefore I had a very
visible presence in the community. I was always an outsider and I remember
being asked several times if I worked for Scotland Yard as people sought to
understand what my ‘real’ motivation was for being there. I did not understand
the connection until, at the end of the fieldwork, someone explained that ‘when
you come from England, dem figure say, “Bwoy, dem come for drugs man,
drugs people she come fe find out about….So dem very nervous…they are
always very tense, always on edge.’2 Gaining access to the communities was
facilitated by the Kingston Restoration Company, a non-governmental
organisation that was undertaking projects in both communities. Through their
key development workers, I was introduced to other members of the community.
I am very grateful to everyone who welcomed me and tolerated my presence,
my ignorance and my questions.
In this chapter I explore the origins and development of the violence as
recalled by the residents. All of the people interviewed stated it began as a result
of a particular dispute between two men that escalated into gang violence. The
political dimension came later and was initially the result of clientelist ties between
the gangs and politicians which reinforced pre-existing gang divisions and
exacerbated conflict. The information given by residents was supplemented
with newspaper reports which helped to contextualise the recollections. The
focus of the chapter is an exploration of the factors behind the division of the
community into two politically homogenous zones. While clientelism played an
important role in drawing the gangs into the political arena, for the residents it
was the violence of the 1980 election and the way in which it shaped political
and communal identities that explains the continuing existence of PNP Tel Aviv

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