Guyana: Governance and Patterns of Ethnic Conflict

AuthorRalph Premdas
Pages317-347
Guyana: Governance and Patterns of Ethic Conflicts 317
INTRODUCTION
Cultural pluralism tends to throw up persistent problems in stable inter-
sectional coexistence.1 In this paper, an attempt will be made to abstract the
patterns of communal conflict that were generated by one case, Guyana, with
the view towards constructing a framework of ethnic conflict regulation. As
such, the effort will be both analytic and prescriptive. It is important to
underscore the point that our interest is not in eliminating conflict as such
since, in the nature of things that is impossible, but in offering insights into its
management. Professor John Darby puts this idea nicely as follows:
. . . it is as pointless to attack conflict as it is to attack the aging process.
Conflict is neither good nor bad, but intrinsic in every social relationship
from marriage to international diplomacy. Wherever two or more people are
gathered, there is conflict or potential conflict. The real issue is not the
existence of conflict but how to handle it.2
In the case that I have chosen, the state is characterised by a predominant
ethnic bipolarity in its demographic structure; small population size and physical
land space; a common ex-colonial master; and its multi-ethnicity has been
created mainly by the importation of immigrants from other countries to meet
the demands for labour on plantations.3 It is argued that the bipolar structure
establishes a particularly virulent context of communal relations and that this
imposes its own peculiarities in crisis management. In game theory, the metaphor
of two spiders sealed in the same bottle and locked inescapably in face to face
rivalry for space resulting in intensely intransigent struggle and inevitable death
is taken as illustrative of bipolar conflicts.
In approaching the problem of making prescriptions in relation to ethnic
conflict resolution, it is important that analysis of the case in question be
Guyana: GovernanCe and
PatternS of ethniC ConfliCt
RALPH PREMDAS
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN
318 STATE, ECONOMY AND SOCIETY
systematic. In effect, proposals that seek to regulate an ethnic conflict should be
stated in terms of a causal model. Professor Richard Rose underscored this point
arguing that a policy lesson does not emerge from
a disjointed set of ideas about what to do. It requires a cause and effect model
showing how a program designed on the basis of experience elsewhere can
achieve a desired goal if adopted in the advocate’s own jurisdiction.4
In Part I of the presentation, an attempt was made to situate solutions within
the historical circumstances which provided a causal empirical background to
the prescriptions that would be offered in Part II. To be sure, the causal sequences
that I have depicted are not rigorously quantified and tested by the protocols of
the so-called scientific method. However, they do emerge from empirical data
derived from extended field observation. As a whole, the exercise moves away
from the quest for “pure theory” into the realm of practical knowledge.
PART I: THE MAKING OF A MULTI-ETHNIC STATE IN CRISIS
The Ethnic Segments
Guyana is a multi-ethnic Third World state situated on the north-coast
shoulder of South America. Although geographically part of the South American
land mass, culturally it falls within the Caribbean insular sphere marked by
plantations, monocrop economies, immigrant settlers and a colour-class system
of stratification.5 The country is populated by six ethnic solidarity clusters –
Africans, East Indians, Amerindians, Portuguese, Chinese and Europeans. A
significant “mixed” category also exists, consisting of persons who have any
combination of the major groups. Racial and ethnic categories are apprehended
in a rather peculiar way among Guyanese. In the popular imagination, everyone
is placed within a communal category which, as anthropologist Raymond Smith
has noted, “is believed to be a distinct physical type, an entity symbolized by a
particular kind of ‘blood’”.6
Hence, even though objectively there is a wide array of racial mixtures, a
person is soon stereotyped into one of the existing social categories to which
both “blood” and “culture” are assigned a defining role. In a “we-they” dynamic,
each person accepts his/her assignment to a communal category which in turn
separates and establishes individual and collective identity from other similar
groupings. From this, a society of ethno-cultural compartments has emerged
with various forms of intercommunal antagonisms of which the African-Indian
dichotomy dominates all dimensions of daily life.
Nearly all of Guyana’s 850,000 people are concentrated on a 5 to 10 mile
belt along the country’s 270 mile Atlantic coast. The multi-ethnic population is

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