Continuity and Discontinuity of Law: A Reply to John Finnis

AuthorSimeon C.R. McIntosh
ProfessionProfessor of Jurisprudence and Dean, Faculty of Law, University of the West Indies at Cave Hill, Barbados
Pages47-104
Continuity and Discontinuity of Law | 47
CONTINUITY AND DISCONTINUITY OF LAW:
A REPLY TO JOHN FINNIS
2
In 1974, Grenada gained its independence from Great Britain
and a democratic system of government was established under the
newly adopted ‘Independence Constitution.’1 In March 1979, however,
the constitutionally elected government was overthrown in a coup
d’état and was supplanted by ‘The People’s Revolutionary
Government.’ The new government suspended the official
Constitution, substituting in its place a series of Proclamations ‘until
such time as a new constitution is drafted.’2 It also disbanded the
Grenada Supreme Court and replaced it with a new High Court and
Court of Appeal for Grenada. The Revolutionary Government remained
in power until October 1983, when, as a result of an internal palace
coup, the Prime Minister and several other ministers were killed.
Shortly thereafter, American armed forces intervened and the leaders
of the palace coup were arrested, enabling the Governor General of
Grenada to assume power. In early 1984, the Independence
Constitution was reinstated, but without those provisions pertaining
to the court system. The Governor General issued a Proclamation
that effectively retained the court system established by the People’s
Revolutionary Government.3
In due course, the arrested leaders of the palace coup were
charged with the murder of the Prime Minister and other ministers of
the People’s Revolutionary Government, and were subsequently tried
48 | Kelsen in the Grenada Court
in the High Court of Grenada.4 The accused challenged the
constitutionality of the Court, claiming that it lacked jurisdiction since
it had been established by the unconstitutional, revolutionary
government, and that the Governor General lacked any authority
under the Independence Constitution to retain an illegal and
unconstitutional court.
The motion was denied. The accused appealed the High Court’s
ruling to the Grenada Court of Appeal. The Court of Appeal concluded
that the People’s Revolutionary Government was indeed an illegal
government and the courts established by that government were
unconstitutional.5 The Court also concluded that the Governor General
lacked the legislative authority under the Independence Constitution
to retain the courts of the Revolutionary Government. However, the
Court reasoned that the Governor General acted in the best interest
of Grenada at a time of crisis and, therefore, held his decision to
retain the courts of the People’s Revolutionary Government
temporarily valid under the doctrine of state necessity.6 Therefore,
the High Court had jurisdiction to try the accused.
In the first essay addressing the validity of the Grenada court
system and the applicability of the doctrine of state necessity, I
questioned the soundness of the Court of Appeal’s reasoning.7 I
argued that the defendants’ jurisdictional challenge went beyond the
more limited question of the competence of the High Court and, in
effect, questioned the validity of the two political authorities – the
People’s Revolutionary Government and the Governor General –
responsible for the court’s existence. Since the defendants’ motion
questioned the establishment and validity of political authority in a
territory, it was therefore not a legal question for judicial determination
– particularly for a court created by that very authority. My argument
therefore held that the Court of Appeal’s decision presupposed the
constitutional continuity of the State and legal order of Grenada
throughout the period of revolutionary rule and that the People’s
Revolutionary Government and the Governor General remained
subject to the authority of the Independence Constitution throughout
Continuity and Discontinuity of Law | 49
that period. On this reasoning, the validity of the People’s
Revolutionary Government and the Governor General was a legal
question susceptible to judicial resolution. To the contrary, I argued
that the validity of a revolutionary regime is a meta-legal question
that must be resolved in terms of legal and political theory; that is,
the validity of a revolutionary regime only makes sense on the
supposition of discontinuity of law.8 Hence, a revolutionary regime
that seizes power in a territory by means of a coup d’état stands in
open defiance of the existing constitution and, as such, remains
forever invalid under that constitution. The revolutionary regime’s
validity is thus determined by its success in wresting ultimate political
authority in the territory. However, the more important question
focuses on the political legitimacy of the new regime – the justification
of why the people of the territory may wish to give allegiance to that
regime.9
I recount all this only as a back-drop against which to discuss the
problem of continuity and discontinuity of law. This essay is not
specifically about Grenada. Rather, it seeks to advance a charitable
reading of the theory of discontinuity of law as propounded by the
late Professor Hans Kelsen.10 But I am compelled to discuss continuity
and discontinuity conjointly, for, as dialectical terms, each is
incomprehensible independent of the other.
The theory of discontinuity asks when, and under what
circumstances, does one legal system cease to exist and a new one
is created in its stead?11 Otherwise stated, what events might be
considered disruptive of the continuous existence of a legal system,
bring about its disappearance and, perhaps, result in the creation of
a new system in its place?12 The answer is suggested by Professor
Kelsen’s claim that the ‘State and its legal order remain the same
only as long as the constitution is in tact or changed according to its
own provisions.’13 This implies that revolution or coup d’état would
be an instance of ‘illegal’ change, effecting a disruption in the
continuous existence of a legal system.14

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