A View of the Metropole

AuthorCarlyle Corbin
Pages253-268
253
- A VIEW OF THE METROPOLE -
A View of the Metropole
INTRODUCTION
The promotion by the metropolitan powers of the advancement of
democratic governance in the non-self-governing territories under their
administration can most readily be assessed through the prism of the
international legal mandate for the development of a full measure of
self-government. This mandate is contained in the United Nations
(UN) Charter, specifically Article 73(b), which sets forth the obligation
of the administering powers to promote full self-government in the
context of a legitimate act of self-determination:
Members of the United Nations which have or assume responsibilities
for the administration of territories whose peoples have not attained
a full measure of self-government recognise that the interests of the
inhabitants of these territories is paramount and accept as a sacred
trust the obligation to promote to the utmos t … the well-being of
the inhabitants of these territories and to this end:
(b) to develop self-government, to take due account of the
political aspirations of the peoples, and to assist them in the
progressive development of their free political institutions
according to the particular circumstances of each territory
and its peoples and their varying stages of advancement.
Given the absence of the implementation of the mandate by those
countries which administer territories, the period of self-determination
cannot be considered concluded, as several administering powers have
argued, but has rather taken on a new dimension with respect to the
complexities of the decolonisation of territories which are small islands,
and which face the many challenges associated with small size, economies
of scale, distance from external markets, geographic remoteness and
CARLYLE CORBIN
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- GOVERNANCE IN THE NON-INDEPENDENT CARIBBEAN -
other factors common to small island developing countries. These factors
are routinely recognised in resolutions of the UN General Assembly,
and of the Economic and Social Council, on the political, socio-
economic and constitutional advancement of the small island territories.
Added to these issues is the limited access to the international system
of non-independent countries whose economic sustainability is now
tied to their ability to engage with increasingly globalised structures
and institutions.
COMPOSITION OF THE NON-INDEPENDENT CARIBBEAN
Since World War II, the UN has been successful in fostering the
decolonisation of over 80 territories that have achieved a full measure
of self-government as defined by international principles (UN, 1990,
4). The 16 remaining non-self-governing territories formally listed with
the UN include the Atlantic/Caribbean territories of Bermuda, the
Turks and Caicos Islands, the Cayman Islands, Montserrat, Anguilla
and the British Virgin Islands administered by the United Kingdom
(UK), and the United States Virgin Islands under the jurisdiction of
the United States (US). Puerto Rico is one of a number of territories
which was previously listed with the UN, but which had been removed
from the UN list prior to international adoption of the criteria for self-
government, as contained in Resolution 1541 of 1960. This criterion
defined the three political alternatives of independence, free association
with an independent state or integration into an independent state as
the options which provide for the minimum standards for political
equality.
Any attempt by the UN to relist territories such as Puerto Rico,
which had been previously removed from the UN, list would amount
to a highly politicised exercise, and has only been achieved once for a
small island territory, in the case of New Caledonia under the
administration of France. In the absence of an internationally agreed
procedure – or any proposals to this effect – the possibility of a review
of the status of these territories vis-á-vis the modern definition of a full
measure of self-government remains problematic, and a number of
territories such as Puerto Rico, French Polynesia, West Papua and others
remain in the dependency periphery. The democratic deficiencies
inherent in the political status of these territories remain outside the

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