The Psychology of Political and Social Conflict (The 1990 Muslimeen Insurrection in Trinidad and Tobago)

• Author: Ramesh Deosaran
• Pages: 597-624

597

THE PSYCHOLOGY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CONFLICT

The Psychology

of Political

and Social

Conflict1

(The 1990

Muslimeen

Insurrection in

Trinidad and

Tobago)

Ramesh Deosaran

Twenty-Seven

ILLEGAL ACTIVITY FOR LEGITIMATE

REASONS: THE PSYCHOLOGICAL

STRAIN OF CONFLICTING NORMS

There are two related features which

continue to form part of our national life

and which no doubt found themselves very

active in the seesaw approach by the central

Government and City Hall in the Mucurapo

conflict. One, the practice of illegal activities

for legitimate reasons, legitimate reasons

defined as ‘pressing social need’ as accepted

by a significant section of the community.

Two, the tendency for government to show

ambivalence and conflicting behaviour in

matters of public policy when faced by such

‘social-need’ actions. These two features

figured prominently in the rise of Abu Bakr

and the Muslimeen claim to Mucurapo. The

social needs identified here are the need for

public transportation, the need for the poor

to ‘make a living,’ and the need for housing.

These three social needs respectively led to

the rise of PH-taxis, vending on the city

streets, and squatting on State lands. A PH-

taxi is a vehicle licensed for private use but

illegally used to carry passengers for a fare.

Vending on the city streets is illegal unless

allowed by special license. Squatting is the

illegal occupation of land belonging to

someone else; in this case the State. The

Muslimeen were accused of being squatters

at Mucurapo. In each case, the law was

openly flouted. A law usually sets down a

particular code of behaviour which must be

understood or at least followed by members

of society. The extent to which this code is

598

CRIME, DELINQUENCY AND JUSTICE

upheld as being worthy or necessary to be followed then sets up the legal norm.

The law is the legal instrument. The legal norm is the psychological condition for

the law’s sustenance.

These three forms of social behaviour (PH-taxis, street vending, squatting)

are deviant, in fact, illegal, but are still supported by substantial sections of the

national community. They are distinguished from other types of illegal activities

which receive a larger amount of public condemnation. For example, in the years

preceding the Muslimeen insurrection, there were many illegal acts which in the

public mind went without effective police action, (e.g. loud music in residential

areas, traffic violations, praedial larceny, etc). The police on their behalf repeatedly

complained of inadequate manpower and vehicles to provide the kind of response

expected by the public. Such illegal acts and the lack of police action, however,

did produce strain on the public’s regard for law and order. But at least, the

community, by and large, was at one in agreeing that such acts were illegal and

not to be tolerated at all. There is another group of illegal acts (e.g. rape or assault)

which bring direct physical harm to others and earn wider, stronger public

disapproval. There are thus stronger social sanctions against them, and the lack

of police action serves to aggravate the temper of the general public.

On the other hand, the ‘social-need’ group of illegal activities – PH-taxis,

street vending and squatting - grew out of hand and are practised on socioeconomic

and political considerations. They are illegal but they do not receive the strong

social sanctions meted out to the former group (rape, assault) by the entire

community. They are high profile activities, openly practised and enjoyed by

large sections of the national community and without the law being applied with

finality. In the case of PH-taxis, many citizens on a daily basis depend on them

for transport which is otherwise lacking. Many citizens also patronise street vendors

for goods and services. The vendors also claim that they are ‘making a decent

living.’ Squatting is seen as a necessary response by the poor to the shortage of

land and housing. In fact, PH-taxi drivers, street vendors and squatters have each

formed themselves into associations to defend ‘their rights’.

Many established social and political organisations in the country (e.g. unions

and opposition parties) have lent support to these groups on the basis of social

need. In other words, these illegal practices were reinforced by ‘significant others’

in the society. In the case of street vendors and squatters particularly, all political

parties at one time or another have given tacit support to the need for their

practices while remaining ambivalent as to how to use the law against these illegal

activities. Street vendors and squatters have become political movements, putting

pressure on political representatives for ‘better jobs’ and homes respectively. These

three forms of illegal activity have gradually become politicised in the sense that

one government after another have been accused of causing PH-taxis, street

vending and squatting because of bad socioeconomic planning and for failing to

put a proper social infrastructure in place. These became ‘hot potato’ political