The Jury on Trial

AuthorRamesh Deosaran
Pages475-496
475
THE JURY ON TRIAL
The Jury on
Trial1
Ramesh Deosaran
Twenty-One
INTRODUCTION
There is an outstanding need for social
science inquiry into specific social, legal and
political institutions of the Caribbean. While
it is useful to have a broad appreciation of
the social forces which affect group relations
in the wide society, it is important to have
some understanding of how the various
social groups in the society view and deal
with one another when placed in specific
institutions. This study draws upon
traditional sociological studies to examine
social relations within a specific legal
institution, the jury system.
It explores some aspects of the social
psychology of the jury trial in the multi-
racial post-colonial society of Trinidad.2It is
developed from a series of previous studies
by the author (Jury Research Project) on the
social composition of jurors and their
verdicts, the legal profession’s assessment of
trial by jury, and social bias in jury selection,
exemptions, and foreman selection.
These earlier studies laid a sociological
foundation for further work, especially with
regard to the psychological factors which
mediate between the social composition of
jurors and their courtroom behaviour. One
study showed racial, social class and sex
biases in the selection of 2,443 jurors for 390
trials (Deosaran 1981b). Foreman selection
also revealed a strong bias in favour of upper
social class, male, and non-Indian groups
respectively (Deosaran 1980). The legal
profession in Trinidad expressed strong
476
CRIME, DELINQUENCY AND JUSTICE
dissatisfaction with the apparent reasons used by juries for their verdicts (Deosaran
1980).
The first of their kind in the Commonwealth Caribbean, these studies reflect
similar work done elsewhere on the social composition of juries (e.g. Baldwin
and McConville 1979, 1980, Cant 1974, Sealey and Cornish 1973, Van Dyke 1977),
the selection of jury foreman (Baldwin and McConville 1980), and juror
stereotyping (e.g. Boehm 1968, Broeder 1965, Efran 1974, Landy and Aronson
1969).
This line of research, however, wavers uncomfortably between two strong
mandates. On the one hand, through either common or statutory law, questioning
jurors on particular verdicts or making firsthand observations of jury room
deliberations is strictly forbidden. On the other hand, one of the pillars of
democracy and, more particularly, of scientific inquiry is accountability and the
obligation to ensure that human conduct is rational and fair. Whatever the worth
of jury privacy, the legal restriction on scientific inquiry has contributed to serious
gaps in the relevant research. Researchers have had to resort to mock trials,
simulated juries, jurors’ anecdotes, courtroom impressions from policemen and
other judicial officers, and a host of indirect techniques for measuring jury
behaviour (e.g. Adler 1973, Kaplan 1977, Nemeth and Sosis 1973, Simon 1959). A
number of reviews have pointed out the practical inadequacies of such indirect
techniques (Erlanger 1970, Gerbasi et al. 1977, Tapp 1980, Wrightsman 1978).
The major criticism is that the ‘reality’ of the trial is crucially missing from the
responses of non-jurors.
This study mixes direct observations with data provided by the jurors
themselves. The theoretical framework is the interactionist perspective. Given
the format of a jury trial, the distribution of rank and order, the allocation of
roles and status in the courtroom, the entire situation is a mixture of law, sociology
and psychology in action. The law structures the trial, sociology establishes some
distinctions on the basis of status and rank, and psychology provides the basis on
which impressions and influence also affect the trial outcome.
Trial by jury, when set in a courtroom, offers a firsthand example of the way
race, class and sex could express themselves in effective ways, given the range of
discretion possessed by the participants. For example, a jury, in deciding upon
the facts, is in a position to determine motives, credibility and demeanour. Such
variables depend upon the imagination of the jurors, the impressions they bring
into the courtroom. These impressions and stereotypes persist sometimes, in spite
of instructions from the presiding judge or the nature of the ‘hard evidence’
presented.
In fact, many trials are conducted on the basis of eyewitness testimony or
evidence which are subject to interpretation. The situation is further affected by
the fact of having an adversarial system of cross-examination wherein two sides
to the same matter are being offered though in varying degrees of strength.

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