The 1955-1959 Administration

AuthorTrevor Munroe/Arnold Bertram
ProfessionRhodes Scholar and Fulbright Fellow, political scientist, labour activist and politician, is Professor of Government and Politics at the University of the West Indies, Mona/Distinguished commentator on Jamaican Social History and Political Development is a former Legislator in both houses of the Jamaican Parliament and a former Minister of ...
Pages170-222
170 / Pre-Independence Administrations
The 1955 Elections: Background and Results
Bustamante’s second consecutive victory in the elections of 1949
confirmed his place as a master tactician in the art of politics, and
assigned him the role of exercising the major influence on the
development of Jamaica in the first decade of Universal Adult Suffrage.
It was in this same general election that the PNP confirmed its arrival
as a major political force. Its campaign for self-government and
articulation of a clear alternative to Bustamante’s laissez-faire capitalism
had strengthened its hold on the middle classes, won over substantial
sections of organized labour, and in the process made urban Jamaica
undisputed PNP territory. Despite losing the elections, the PNP won
the popular vote, taking 43.5 per cent to the JLP’s 42.7 per cent, and
demonstrated its urban strength by winning all three seats in Kingston,
the capital city. Ominously for the JLP, Norman Manley’s presence in
the new House of Representatives created a far more formidable
opposition.
Among the new JLP members in the House of Representatives which
met in January 1950, was Donald Burns Sangster, who had run as an
Independent in 1944, finishing second behind B.B. Coke in a field of
five. Sangster, born on October 22, 1911, had been educated at Munro
College, and at age 21 won a seat on the St. Elizabeth Parochial Board.
In 1949, after completing his first term as Chairman, Sangster, running
on a JLP ticket, defeated B.B. Coke by 48 votes for the Southern St.
Elizabeth seat.
The 1955–1959 Administration
Chapter 5
The 1955–1959 Administration / 171
Having taken his place in the Legislature, Manley immediately picked
up where his colleague Ivan Lloyd had left off, with the demand for real
advances towards self-government. In July 1950, he invited the House
of Representatives ‘to accept as a basic principle for constitutional reform
… that Jamaica is fit for complete self-government in local affairs’.1
The process of constitutional decolonization was considerably
energized with the arrival of Governor Hugh Foot in April 1951. Foot
had previously served as Colonial Secretary in Jamaica between 1945
and 1947. It was he who, early in 1952, submitted proposals to amend
the constitution to introduce the ministerial system, by which the
Jamaican elected members would be empowered to initiate policy and
be effectively responsible for the departments under their new ministries.
On July 2, 1952 Norman Manley, speaking in the House of
Representatives, expressed the view that the Governor’s proposals fell
short of self-government and were inadequate to Jamaica’s needs. He
therefore put a motion that ‘this House declares itself in favour of self-
government for Jamaica and appoints a committee of seven members of
the House forthwith to prepare a constitution providing for self-
government to be submitted for approval to the Secretary of State for
the Colonies at the earliest possible date.’
It was during this debate that Bustamante for the first time joined in
the call for self-government, and informed the House of Representatives
that
one of the revised planks of the Jamaica Labour Party is to work
incessantly and consistently for the freedom that is ours by right,
and this is what it says: to work towards self-government in
Jamaica with a view to achieving federation in the British
Caribbean area and dominion status within the framework of
the British Commonwealth of Nations.2
These proposals were finally implemented in May 1953. Speaking
in the House of Representatives on June 8 on the Estimates of
Expenditure, Manley not only expressed satisfaction that for the first
time the Budget was being presented by an elected member, Sir Harold
172 / Pre-Independence Administrations
Allan, but also used the opportunity to chide the JLP for its tardiness in
supporting the campaign for self-government.
There is no single member of the majority party who lifted a
little finger to win the new constitution of 1944. There is not one
that even spoke a word in favour of self-government — not one.
Not one that even stood on a platform and advocated a ministerial
system. There is not one that advocated Universal Adult Suffrage.
There is not one that advocated an all-elected body — not one
single one.3
Despite the constitutional advances, the British Crown, through the
Governor, continued to exercise jurisdiction over matters of justice and
defence. The clear implication was that Jamaicans could not yet be
trusted to take decisions on matters related to the police and military.
Bustamante began his second term with the objective of ‘preventing
the rising unemployment, to reduce it, and to do things others have not
done before’. However, such were the financial restraints that
implementation lagged far behind his most sincere intentions. His hopes
of improving the quality of life for the Jamaican working people received
a major setback with the devastation caused by Hurricane Charlie on
August 17, 1951.
Four ships were sunk with sixteen seamen in them drowned,
and three ships blown onto the land. In the city – and most of all
in the slum areas – buildings collapsed, thousands of trees were
blown down in a tangled network of high-tension cables and
telephone poles and wires.
Fifty-four people in the city died in that night’s nightmare.
The ancient pirate city of Port Royal at the entrance to Kingston
Harbour was entirely destroyed except for the church and the
17th century Fort Charles and the shell of the old naval hospital
where a thousand people sought shelter. Property damage in
Kingston was estimated at well over twelve million pounds.

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