Shifting Location and Negotiating Place: Women in Caribbean Intra-Regional Migration

AuthorElizabeth Thomas-Hope
ProfessionProfessor
Pages324-345
324 CSME: Genesis and Prognosis
2323
2323
23 Elizabeth Thomas-Hope
SHIFTING LOCATION AND
NEGOTIATING PLACE: WOMEN IN
CARIBBEAN INTRA-REGIONAL
MIGRATION
Introduction
Migration is not simply the movement of people between places. It
involves also the relocation of individuals in relation to the social space that
they occupy. Within that space their identities are fashioned and their
livelihoods are developed. In the Caribbean, migration opportunities were
first sought in the early period of post-slavery society of the nineteenth century.
The ability to move away not only from the plantation, but from the country
of birth and later to return, was a fundamental dimension of the identity of a
person as free agent, rather than, as during the preceding system of slavery,
merely as a victim of events.
By the end of the nineteenth century, migration had become an
endorsement of freedom and a right of passage. The element of freedom was
of major significance. It is still an ongoing aspect of the motivation to
migrate. Through the freedom from many societal constraints in people’s
personal lives that it permitted, migration gradually became integral to the
strategy for altering one’s place in the society and negotiating avenues to the
achievement of personal goals. It facilitated mobility and enhancement of
status in the otherwise racially and socially restrictive plantation system.
Migration thereby contributed in fundamental ways to the cultural
construction and the ideology of personhood that emerged in the aftermath
of slavery.
For the upper classes the situation was different. They moved, usually in
nuclear family units when their social or economic interests seemed better
served elsewhere. Indeed, for each social class, migration was characterized
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Shifting Location and Negotiating Place
by different patterns, different purposes and different meaning. Social
structures and institutions, such as the family, evolved through the decades
following Emancipation to accommodate the movements that included both
men and women from all social classes. At the level of the household, where
personal identities were moulded, roles learned and relations most intensely
played out, gender was central to all aspects of socialization. These gendered
identities, roles and relationships that condition the propensity for migration
in the first place, also adapted to the demands of the household as members
departed or returned. The evolving constructions of manhood and womanhood
were inevitably shaped within the imperatives of a societal system that itself
perpetuated migration and was, in all its institutional complexities, part of
the ever changing pattern of population movement.
This interactive, two-way, relationship between migration and gender
in the period immediately following the Emancipation of slaves, continued
in later periods. From the middle of the twentieth century, migration patterns
became even more complex. Faster and relatively cheaper transport
facilitated the active nature of Caribbean migration networks. There was
the emerging preponderance of transnational households and families, with
high levels of circulation and return. Accordingly, migration continued to
have new implications for Caribbean societies.
People, as active agents, have continued to the present time to use
migration opportunities to facilitate the achievement of various goals in
their lives. Some of these goals relate to their careers, whether principally
in education or in work; others relate to coping with their socially ascribed
responsibilities, especially the responsibility or sense of having the ultimate
responsibility for their children; and still others relate to coping with their
relationships, roles and overall livelihoods.
There are few studies that have been conducted specifically on the role
of gender in the propensity for, and selectivity in, Caribbean migration; or
on the role of gender in the nature of the migration experience. Fewer still
have been concerned with the other side of the process, namely, the
implications of migration for gender relations. Among the empirical studies
that have been conducted, that by Mortley (2002) demonstrated ways in
which women in St. Lucia made decisions to migrate (in that case to the
USA) based primarily on their own domestic circumstances and their
relationships with their spouses.
For all the purposes for which migration is used as the mechanism for
coping, the external factors (such as immigration legislation at the destination,

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