By Your Theories You Shall Be Known: Some Reflections on Caribbean Criminology

AuthorChristopher Birkbeck
Pages19-42
19
BY YOUR THEORIES YOU SHALL BE KNOWN
INTRODUCTION
In 1976, the late Ken Pryce wrote a
ground breaking article in which he called
for the development of a Caribbean
criminology. In his view, the ‘intensification
of violence, lawlessness and “white collar”
corruption’ urgently required, ‘[t]he
scientific study of crime and deviant
behaviour in the Caribbean as an
independent field of inquiry in its own right’
(1976, 3). While applauding official concern
over the growing crime problem, Pryce
argued that academic research was also a
necessary part of the search for solutions.
Such research ‘should be the concern not
only of the politician, the jurist and the
policy-maker, but the sociologist and other
social scientists as well’ (1976, 3). As the core
of Caribbean criminology, Pryce proposed
the ‘New Criminology’ (see Taylor, Walton
and Young, 1973) that was attracting much
attention among researchers elsewhere,
because it offered ‘superior theoretical
advantages...as a basis for the development
of a framework for the sociology of crime,
deviance and social control in the Caribbean’
(1976, 7).
Twenty years later, other criminologists
took up the matter of a Caribbean
criminology. Richard Bennett and James
Lynch (1996) identified five characteristics
of Caribbean societies that, in their view,
rendered existing major theories of crime
inapplicable in the region. These were the
timing of the development process, the small
size of Caribbean nations, the salience of
tourism in many Caribbean economies, the
presence of the illegal drug trade, and the
By Your
Theories You
Shall Be Known:
Some Reflections
on Caribbean
Criminology1
Christopher Birkbeck
Two
20
CRIME, DELINQUENCY AND JUSTICE
relative immaturity of political and social institutions. The authors concluded,
It may well be that with sufficient attention and thought, existing theories can
be adapted to include more transparently the situations currently confronting
Caribbean nations. At present, they do not. We argue that this inability to account
for the five areas of uniqueness of the Caribbean constitutes a plausible argument,
on intellectual grounds, for the creation of a sub-discipline of criminology:
Caribbean criminology (1996, 15).
In the same year, Maureen Cain compiled a collection of essays on crime and
justice in the Caribbean with the title ‘For a Caribbean Criminology’ (Caribbean
Quarterly, 1996). In her introductory essay, she warned against, ‘that deferential
relationship with western theory which assumes it to be right even when it does
not fit local experiences, which presents it as received wisdom even when it has
no relevance’ (Cain, 1996a, ii). Citing examples from the research included in her
compilation, Cain argued that,
Caribbean criminologists must engage with [western criminology] instrumentally
as we explore the concrete reality of Caribbean experiences: we may use it,
supplement it, and let it be our springboard, as well as challenging it, transgressing
it, and replacing it (1996a, i; emphasis in original).
Finally, in 1997, Ramesh Deosaran and Derek Chadee offered some brief
comments on the nature of Caribbean criminology, with specific reference to the
study of juvenile delinquency. Noting that the empirical status of delinquency
theories developed outside the Caribbean is by no means unequivocal, Deosaran
and Chadee concluded that ‘whatever form or shape a “Caribbean Criminology”
eventually takes, it will not be entirely immune or so distinct from theory already
developed elsewhere. It will be more likely a matter of theoretical integration,
without reinventing the wheel’ (1997, 40–41).
It is interesting that these authors discussed the identity of Caribbean
criminology in relation to theory. Such a strategy for the examination of identity
is, perhaps, not surprising. Theories represent the most general statements about
the subject we are studying, capable (hopefully) of subsuming multiple and diverse
sets of empirical circumstances. They also express the analytical orientation of a
discipline through the explanations — or linkages between variables — that they
propose. The facts of crime and criminal justice can be studied from different
viewpoints — for example, the aesthetics of crimes, the budgetary procedures of
criminal justice — but criminology has carved out its identity in relation to the
causes of crime, and the causes of social control (Black 1983). As a discipline,
criminology gains identity through its theories.
It is therefore reasonable to expect that discussions about the nature and
rationale for sub disciplines — whether cast in terms of a substantive or geographic

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