Authorized Sex: Same-Sex Sexuality and Law in the Caribbean

AuthorTracy Robinson
Pages3-22
3
AUTHORIZED SEX: SAME-SEX SEXUALITY AND LAW IN THE CARIBBEAN
We should be free to define our own identity and concept of life
and self –– including our sexuality –– without the compulsion
of the state.1 When the state insists, through law or otherwise, that we
must be sexed in a specific way — be it heterosexual, monogamous,
nuclear family-oriented, married, or mother — it strikes at the heart of
our dignity as human beings, and treats us as unworthy as persons and as
citizens (Cornell 1995, 10). ‘Erotic autonomy’, as Jacqui Alexander
describes it, is, therefore, a crucial benchmark of our citizenship (Alexander
1997). Autonomy here is not simply ‘the right to occupy an envelope of
space in which a socially detached individual can act freely from interference
by the state’ because, as Albie Sachs J points out, ‘… people live in their
bodies, their communities, their cultures, their places and their times’.2
Alexander’s notion of erotic autonomy strongly suggests that individuals
are entitled to choose lives of intimacy, closeness and community with
others.
Alexander’s (1991, 1994, 1997) seminal critiques of the Trinidad and
Tobago Sexual Offences Act 1986 and The Bahamas Sexual Offences
and Domestic Violence Act 1991 — prominent legislative responses to
local and global violence against women campaigns — demonstrate that
this state initiated woman-protection was fundamentally entangled with
and compromised by the use of the state power to re-authorize
heteropatriarchy, retrench sexual freedom, and outlaw sexual dissidence.
Yasmin Tambiah’s (2002) very fine study of the 1986 Trinidad and Tobago
law reads much more closely the processes of reform that led to the 1986
Act — the progress of debates in and outside Parliament, the shades of
Tracy Robinson
Authorized Sex
Same-Sex Sexuality and Law
in the Caribbean
Chapter 1
4
SEXUALITY, SOCIAL EXCLUSION AND HUMAN RIGHTS
opinion and the alterations in the draft legislation — as social discourse
nuanced by place and time and hierarchies and relations of race, gender
and sexuality. While Alexander’s analysis underscores the force of law as
overwhelming and coercive state power, Tambiah plainly shows that law
is deeply embedded in, and connected to, the everyday and social processes
as well. In this way law also influences and shapes sexual decision-making,
expressions, cultures and identities in the Caribbean.
Both Alexander (1991, 1994) and Tambiah (2002) reveal the instability
of law and legal understandings, confirming that contemporary lawmaking
in the Caribbean provides critical insights into Caribbean sexualities.
Tambiah’s appraisal of the making of the Trinidad and Tobago Sexual
Offence Act shows how national and idiosyncratic the lawmaking process
is. Notwithstanding that, some lawmaking projects in the Caribbean can
be understood in regional terms as well. The Trinidad and Tobago Act
was the first modern sexual offences law in the Caribbean in 1986.3 In
1991, The Bahamas enacted new legislation and so did Barbados in 1992.4
Antigua and Barbuda enacted new sexual offences legislation in 1995,
Dominica in 1998, Belize amended the provisions of its criminal code in
1999, and Saint Lucia enacted a new criminal code in 2004.5 Each of
these statutes represents a lawmaking process that is dense and distinctive
and, undeniably, offers its own story. A regional angle provides another
view of the relationship between law and sexuality in the Caribbean.
This essay turns our attention to how the region-wide overhauling of
laws dealing with violence against women and the family over the last 25
years revised the focus and boundaries of authorized sex and sharpened
the notion and danger of the homosexual other. Historically, the criminal
law proscribed unnatural non-procreative sexual behaviour and who was
doing it and with whom was generally irrelevant. The spectre of ‘the
homosexual’ is, legally speaking, a relatively modern one. I look not only
at the modern sexual offences laws but a wave of family law reforms
since 1980 that are giving growing recognition to ‘common law unions
and even ‘visiting relationships’. This specialized vocabular y of Caribbean
conjugality, valorizing heterosexual reproductive intimacy, becomes a
signifier of Caribbean authenticity. One consequence of this is that the

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